Conversations with a Disinterested Obama Supporter

December 9, 2009 by inoljt

It can be easy to become immersed in Beltway politics, in which names like Tim Pawlenty, John Ensign, and Harry Reid are instantly recognizable – or debates over the Stupak Amendment can rage on for hours.

One wonders how much of this filters down to the average voter. Does he or she really know what the public option constitutes?  How important, really, are the 2010 congressional elections to the normal citizen?

Several days ago, some political comments made by a non-politically-obsessed friend provided me some insight into how “normal” people think. This person, quite coincidentally, typified one component of the Obama coalition: she was a black college student, very intelligent, but no addict of Beltway politics.

On President Barack Obama’s main endeavor – health care – my friend was supportive enough. Health care obviously needed to be reformed, and it annoyed her that Republicans were opposing it to mostly to weaken Mr. Obama. But as for the 2010 congressional elections, my friend really didn’t give a damn. Last year we had gone to elect Obama, which was obviously important. Congressional elections, on the other hand – that didn’t exactly arouse intense passion. “What’s the worst that can happen; we lose control of Congress? So what?”

To me, this indifference provided a stark – and refreshing – contrast to the politics I read every day. This average voter considered next year’s ultimate political event relatively uninteresting, even insignificant. For pundits on MSNBC and liberal bloggers, losing control of Congress sometimes seems like the end of the world. It really isn’t – whether health care reform succeeds will influence Obama’s legacy far more than congressional elections nobody ever recalls. Sometimes the political world forgets that.

Which still doesn’t stop me from worrying over 2010.

What Conventional Wisdom Doesn’t Tell You

December 7, 2009 by inoljt

Several days after the 2008 presidential election, the New York Times produced a famous map of voting shifts since 2004.  Most politics buffs have seen this map; according to it, Appalachia “voted more Republican, while the rest of the nation shifted more Democratic.”

There is something else occurring here, however, which the map hides – and which almost nobody has perceived. This trend goes strongly, strongly against conventional wisdom.

To unearth this trend, let’s move back one election – to former Vice President Al Gore’s 2000 tie with former President George W. Bush. Here are the states he performed best relative to President Barack Obama. In all these, Mr. Gore did at least five percent better than Mr. Obama.

By and large, these states are what one would expect. All are located in the midst of Appalachia or the Deep South, regions rapidly trending Republican. All were fairly unenthused by Obama’s themes sounding change and hope.

Here are the remaining states in which Gore improved upon Obama:

This result is something quite different. Arizona – Senator John McCain’s home state – is not surprising, nor is Appalachian Kentucky.

Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Jersey, on the other hand – these constitute core Democratic strongholds. The vast majority of pundits would characterize them as becoming more Democratic, if anything at all. Indeed, there has been much ballyhoo about the Northeast’s Democratic shift – how Republicanism is dead in the region, how every single New England congressman is a Democrat, how Obama lost only a single county in New England.

That Al Gore performed more strongly than Barack Obama in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Jersey runs strongly against this hypothesis. Remember, too, that Obama won the popular vote by 7.3% while Gore did so by only 0.5%. If the two had ran evenly, this trend would have been far more pronounced. The state in which Obama improved least upon Gore, for instance, was not Alaska or Mississippi – but New York, where Gore did only 1.88% worse than Obama. The map below indicates this:

Much of the movement derives from the Republican candidates in 2000 and 2008. George Bush was a terrible fit for northeastern voters, with his lack of intellectual depth and cowboy persona. John McCain, on the other hand, was a man many northeasterners admired – he had a strong brand of independence and moderation, which the campaign tarnished but did not destroy. McCain was a person New England Republicans could feel comfortable voting for – and they did. (Fortunately for Democrats, there are not too many Republicans left in the Northeast.)

All in all, the Northeast’s relative movement right constitutes a very surprising trend. Few people would anticipate that Al Gore did better than Barack Obama in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Jersey. It defies conventional wisdom and the common red-blue state dynamic, which holds that the northeast is permanently Democratic. Finally, given increasing political polarization, this relative trend the other way probably is a good thing for the country.

An Interesting E-Mail Response

December 5, 2009 by inoljt

I recently received an e-mail response to one of my posts analyzing the swing state Florida, which I had cross-posted on openleft. This person, a former field organizer in Broward County, took issue with my characterization of Senator Joe Lieberman and his role in gaining Jewish support in south Florida.

I found the e-mail quite interesting and informative, especially in its familiarity with Jewish voting dynamics. The text of it is below:

Thank you very much for your openleft diary on Florida as a swing state.  As someone who worked on staff for the Obama Campaign in Broward County, I found much of your analysis to be spot on and thank you for sharing it with the netroots community.

However, I take serious, serious issue with one aspect of your diary:
A final note. In 2000, Al Gore chose Senator Joe Lieberman, a Jewish-American, as his running mate. In large part due to this, he performed extraordinarily well in Palm Beach and Broward; Lieberman’s presence ensured unusually high Jewish support. In fact, Gore did better than Obama in the two counties, despite Obama’s far stronger national performance.
You have zero proof for this fact.  I worked in heavily Jewish areas (whose residents, by in large, despise Lieberman now and who told me they weren’t too big of a fan of his conservative views even when he was running for VP), and found no evidence to support your assertion.  Indeed, Barack Obama OUTPERFORMED Jewish Congressman Robert Wexler in the heavily Jewish precincts of Tamarac, FL, as you can see from the Broward SOE’s site.  Gore-Lieberman was 67.42% of the vote in Broward, to Obama’s 60.02%.  Jews nationally voted almost identically in 2008 to 2000- indeed even the NATIONAL (I repeat national, because they are not poll results from Broward County and Jews vote differently in different parts of the country and according to their age groups, amongst other factors) poll numbers you posted were so similar as to be likely within the margin of error.  As you pointed out, a more likely factor explaining the .4% difference between Obama’s margin and Gore’s could be the DECREASE in the Jewish population in the county rather than any Lieberman push.  As you correctly noted, Broward County’s Jewish population has gone down in the past 8 years relative to the general population.  Since Jews are such a huge source of Democratic votes, their decrease may very well explain Gore’s marginally better percentage.

In any case, I point these facts out only to hold you, as a blogger, accountable for providing facts rather than repeating conventional wisdom.  I myself was surprised to see just how negatively the Jews I met in South Florida viewed Joe Lieberman.  Of course, Lieberman himself has changed over the years, but I by in large met Jews who were much, much more progressive than him and the Democratic Party as a whole.  The Jews I met favored socialized medicine (in their own words) and universal free education, as well as leaving Iraq immediately.  I found many of the media stereotypes of elderly Jews in Florida (including Sara Silverman) to be misleading and unfair.  I had to confront my own stereotypes as well as a result.

I hope you would post some of these counter arguments, statistics, and facts (I encourage you to go to the Broward SOE’s website, there are some fascinating pieces of data such as the Wexler-Obama one I looked up) on your blog to make sure the full story is told.
Thank you again for your time and for bringing attention to an important swing state’s demographics and electoral patterns as we gear up for another election!

This analysis is quite different from conventional wisdom, which states that Vice President Al Gore’s nomination of Mr. Lieberman bumped his performance in south Florida. That common explanation was reflected in making my post. This person’s explanation for President Barack Obama’s performance in the county (the population decrease in Jews) provides an interesting and plausible analysis I had not thought of. Mr. Lieberman might have done far less good as a vice-presidential candidate than commonly thought (then again, most of the media didn’t think him a particularly effective candidate in the first place).

Nevertheless, I do think that the man did gain former Mr. Gore some Jewish support, if perhaps not in south Florida. Gore’s stronger performance compared to Obama in several New York counties with substantial Jewish populations (e.g. Rockland County, Nassau County) seems to hint at this.

Finally, I encourage anybody reading this to actively respond to my posts, by e-mail or by comment. There are political buffs out there who have far more expertise than me in specific areas (e.g. the Jewish vote), and I will happily post insightful responses on my blog – as I did with this response.

The Easiest Way to Cripple Our Economy: Let Politicians Run the Federal Reserve

December 3, 2009 by inoljt

Several weeks ago, the House Financial Services Committee approved an amendment that would quite negatively impact our economy’s future well-being. If passed, this change could hamper GDP growth for decades to come.

Offered by Congressman Ron Paul, the amendment vastly expands the Congressional Accounting Office’s auditing powers over the Federal Reserve. Consequently, the Federal Reserve’s cherished independence would be drastically curbed. Every unpopular action the Federal Reserve made could potentially be scrutinized by vote-seeking politicians. This would effectively intertwine politics into the serious business of running the economy – and if the Soviet Union taught us anything, that is a terrible, terrible idea.

Imagine, for example, if this policy had been in place three decades ago – during the 70s and 80s. The great economic challenge of those decades was stagflation, a ruinous combination of high inflation, high unemployment, and stagnant economic growth initiated by oil shocks. Presidents from Nixon to Carter attempted to combat the demon, instituting policies that ranged from price controls to handing out WIN (Whip Inflation Now) buttons.

The problem with stagflation, however, was that defeating it required extremely unpopular action. Ending stagflation meant lowering inflation, and combating inflation reduces short-term economic growth, often causing recession (if you find out a way to reduce inflation without doing this, you will revolutionize economics). No sane politician was willing to do this – and so the curse of stagflation remained year after year, crippling the nation’s economy.

In the end, it was Paul Volcker and the Federal Reserve that defeated inflation. To defeat inflation, Mr. Volcker did something no politician would ever do – he started a recession. The Federal Reserve raised interest rates to a high of 21.5%, dramatically lowering the money supply to end inflation. Recession ensued, widespread protests occurred, and Republicans were roundly defeated in the 1982 congressional elections – but Mr. Volcker kept at it.

Eventually the public became convinced that, no matter what the political pressures on it, the Federal Reserve would not give in. Shopkeepers stopped raising their prices in anticipation of inflation. Companies stopped raising wages to match those price increases.

Inflation ended.

Unlike Congress and the President, the Federal Reserve had the will to do the unpopular but right thing. This ability was rooted in the Fed’s independence from the whims of politicians facing re-election.

Imagine, now, if in 1982 the Federal Reserve had lacked such independence. Mr. Volcker raises interest rates; recession ensues. Then Congress, full of politicians facing uncertain re-elections, intervenes. Opportunistic congressmen hold hearing after hearing, demanding the Fed lower interest rates. The House begins investigative audits into the Fed, seeking to pressure the institution. Finally, Mr. Volcker buckles; he reluctantly lowers interest rates, sacrificing long-term economic stability for short-term growth. Inflation continues; the demon of stagflation remains – perhaps even to this day. Imagine the 2009 financial crisis occurring in a scenario of 10% inflation and 8% unemployment. That would be disaster indeed.

The 2009 financial crisis will not be the last. Economic bubbles will exist as long as humans do; humans always believe that “this time is different.” If and when the next bubble pops – the next economic crisis hits – the United States will need an independent Federal Reserve. It will need an institution to do what is politically unpopular but necessary, as was the case last fall. The House’s amendment threatens to destroy this safety net and deprive America’s economy of an invaluable institution. The aggrieved sentiment behind it is understandable, but the Federal Reserve is not Wall Street, and Ben Bernanke was a Princeton professor of economics, not the CEO of Goldman Sachs.

Explaining the Swiss Minaret Vote

December 1, 2009 by inoljt

Switzerland’s landslide vote to ban Muslim minarets surprised many pundits and commentators, more familiar with the nation’s image as a bastion of tolerance and European enlightenment.

These results, in fact, are not so surprising. They derive from the peculiar structure of Swiss democracy, which effectively creates a voter base less diverse than the general public. These voters are generally predisposed to support such initiatives as the minaret vote.

I am specifically talking about Swiss citizenship. Becoming a Swiss citizen implies that one has become part of the Swiss people, and the Swiss have a very strict definitions of what this means. Since – of course – only citizens may vote, this strictness directly impacts the Swiss electorate.

While Switzerland may have an image as a tolerant place, its naturalization policy is one of the least tolerant in the Western world. Achieving citizenship can be nearly impossible. Some communities routinely reject applicants connected in any manner to Africa or the Balkans, even if have they lived in Switzerland their whole lives. Many applicants must appear before a local citizenship committee, which asks deep-probing questions such as whether the applicant “can imagine marrying a Swiss boy,” or if said applicant likes Swiss music.

As a result, 21.9% of the Swiss population is foreign – one of the highest rates in the world. An aspiring immigrant may move to Switzerland, but neither he, nor his children, nor even his grandchildren will be guaranteed citizenship. Nearly 90% of Swiss Muslims face this situation, foreigners in a land some have lived their entire lives in.

Because Swiss immigrants are denied citizenship, they naturally cannot vote: only the Swiss people can. It is no wonder then, that Switzerland’s selectively chosen electorate regularly passes initiatives like the minaret law. Or that the anti-immigrant Swiss People’s Party won the most seats in the 2007 federal elections.

This is not to say that the Swiss people are particularly intolerant or bigoted. It is a naturally human tendency to be suspicious of outsiders. Nativist sentiments exist throughout the world, whether in English disdain for Eastern Europeans, Japanese dislike of white gaijins, Muslim discrimination against black Africans, or Russian pogroms against Jews.

The problem is that, by restricting citizenship (and therefore the ballot) to only certain groups, Switzerland’s peculiar system encourages this inherently human flaw. Switzerland is not the only country with xenophobic sentiment; many Americans, for example despise Spanish-speaking Latinos. But in the United States, these Latinos (or their children) can vote; in Switzerland 90% of Muslims can’t vote, because they are denied citizenship. That is why the Swiss People’s Party can run an ad like this:

The Swiss People’s Party won that referendum. Republicans, on the other hand, wish to appeal to the Latino electorate; very few would dare do such a thing.

If Switzerland is to prevent more minaret initiatives from passing, it should make naturalization easier – at the very least, for example, it could grant citizenship to third-generation citizens. In doing so, Switzerland can follow America’s lead, a country whose naturalization policy is among the most progressive in the world. America is also the world’s superpower. That is not a coincidence.